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This book presents a translation of The Book of the Lord of Shang, a classic of the Legalist tradition of Chinese political philosophy. Nowhere is the doctrine of.
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If groups within the Asia-Pacific can successfully unite their aims, then national security will be in critical condition. When left unaddressed, these flaws consistently reinforced themselves and created an embedded cyclic practice of corruption and uneven development. These practices promulgated social unrest as a catalyst for terrorism, resulting in militant state responses that undermined democratic freedoms. Although the current regime has drastically improved governance, corruption and poverty remain. Furthermore, religious and separatist terrorism threatens the state and has spread across the Asia-Pacific region.

Therefore to further understand their relationship, the case study must also examine the practical implications of the connection in terms of current national security policy. The KPK even holds authorization to carry out preventative measures against corruption by organizing educational or social programs. Instead, each Tipikor case consists of a five-judge panel, two of whom are career judges from the general courts.

Therefore due to these verdicts, the public has largely viewed both the KPK and the Tipikor Court as successful in combatting corruption since their inception. However, criticism of these institutions has grown exponentially as citizens have questioned whether certain predominant figures and institutions are immune to KPK and Tipikor and whether these bodies are losing sight of their purpose.

For instance, only in did the KPK begin investigating corrupt political officials like former president Suharto. Furthermore, in , pressure from the INP to discredit and dissolve the KPK by framing individual members for various crimes began to unravel the commission.

In , the Constitutional Court declared Tipikor unconstitutional because it created a duality in the judicial system if cases could be tried either at the general court level or through the Tipikor circuit. In exchange for Tipikor to remain, the original court had to expand into its current network of district, high and supreme regional courts.

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This hindrance creates extra unneeded strain on the criminal proceedings that may result in missing or miscommunicating vital information and incorrect convictions or mistrials, which fails to support the anti-corruption aims. In an eight month period during , Tipikor issued over twenty acquittals and since the ruling to establish regional courts, these Tipikor branches have issued at least 75 acquittals in alone.

The investigation process may be weak, flawed, or there may not be a strong case for the prosecution to issue an indictment in order to start the criminal trial. Moreover, in the smaller regional courts there may not be adequate resources available to find the necessary evidence to carry through with convictions.

Or in assuming that these acquittals are accurate, perhaps the judges have determined the defendants not guilty merely due to a reasonable doubt that the acts constitute corruption. In any case, while the decline in convictions alone may not signal the collapse of Tipikor or KPK, it is arguably overtly coincidental that the recently-imposed legal limitations on these institutions coincide with such statistics.

Moreover, the lack of public information on these acquittals—specifically judicial statement justifications in high-profile cases—leads one to infer that corruption may infiltrate these institutions as well. Ultimately, the attempts to delegitimize KPK and Tipikor will result in neutralizing anti-corruption efforts altogether, leaving Indonesia stuck in the downward spiral of corruption. Pursuing closer coordination of counterterrorism forces, Presidential Decree No.

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In decentralizing operational command to enhance cooperation with the BNPT and civilians, D increases its efficiency in counterterrorism operations. State Department announced over arrests with 10 suspects killed during raids in , [] and in the past two months alone, news reports on two large raids have estimated the death or capture of 25 individuals connected to JI or similar factions with the confiscation of According to the FATF, corruption breeds terrorism because it generates large amounts of proceeds, which via money laundering schemes, often form the majority of terrorist funds.

The FATF also notes that identical techniques in these operations means pursuing corruption as a predicate offense for money laundering will empower authorities to investigate and prosecute criminals more efficiently and lead to higher terrorist conviction rates. In this way, forces like the D will improve the efficacy of the judicial system as well, increasing public support and strengthening these institutions.

Despite its success, the D has not been without controversy.

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Both Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch reported in that Indonesian security forces consistently face allegations of human rights abuses including torture and unnecessary use of force against terrorism suspects, separatists and religious minorities in Papua, Aceh, and Maluku. Therefore, it is questionable whether these institutions can withstand the power of high-level corruption and whether they may be inadvertently facilitating security issues instead. Conversely, corrupt officials or flagrant human rights violations in counterterrorism operations promulgate terrorism and corruption by destroying trust and inciting further violence in protest of such atrocities.

If law enforcement violates this trust and denies accountability however, it reinforces a negative relationship that disenfranchises individuals, leading them to potentially seek out extremist groups, undergo radicalization, raise funds via corrupt sources, and participate in terrorism. Ultimately, without reform, D risks losing legitimacy, public support, and funding, which would only increase security threats.

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Rather than providing immunity for corrupt figures, the government must increase INP accountability and transparency, enforce judicial consistency, and create incentives to avoid corruption. For example, offsetting corruption benefits of monetary or power gains with greater salary increases, performance bonuses, and advanced promotions can make corruption an undesirable endeavour.

Additionally, judicial and law enforcement reforms must tighten punishment to make it a high-risk act. Utilizing a multi-pronged approach for reform will help Indonesia build societal trust relationships, which will improve resilience against security threats. Granted, it is impossible to fully eradicate crime or terrorism as there will always be individuals who subscribe to radical ideologies. However, if the government improves public perceptions of trust, legitimacy, efficiency, accountability, and transparency, and removes the hindrances of corrupt gains networks, then underlying motivational grievances for terrorism may decrease.

Gaining support as an alternative to traditional security methods, economic development initiatives present a positive approach to combatting terrorism through redistributive justice and empowerment to mitigate social grievances. Additionally, economic focus can reciprocally encourage anticorruption campaigns when combined with judicial and law enforcement support to promote sustainability.

First, it seeks to increase education for work in these sectors which will lift employment rates and reduce poverty levels. Second, by promoting greener methods of extraction and increasing surveillance on the trade techniques in these areas, this policy will largely reduce illegal trades as a source of corruption. Societies that have corruption as a cultural trait cannot merely benefit from isolated change such as replacing corrupt individuals or instituting new legislation; change requires both institutional and cultural reform across all sectors.

For instance, the KPK and Tipikor setbacks, D human rights allegations, and negative public opinion regarding government illustrate that Indonesia struggles to avoid ruling by law: the legal system focuses too closely on creation and implementation of laws to ensure legitimacy, but its narrow focus does not allow it to accurately assess itself within the broader political context. In addition, it must consider greater incorporation of communitarian values in economic development policies that can help curb corruption and terrorism.

In effect, this chapter has broadly defined current Indonesian national security policy in relation to both traditional defence threats and contemporary human security concerns to reflect how corruption and poverty can influence terrorism via a weakened state, whose shortcomings are mirrored in domestic policy. Restructuring rule of law and economic policies to better complement certain communitarian ideals and reinforce positive social relationships may be most beneficial for increasing government efficiency and economic growth whilst concurrently diminishing corruption and poverty.

Ultimately, as the next section will further detail, regional organizations advancing economic sustainability will stabilize developing countries like Indonesia because they are most effective in coordinating resources against terrorism, corruption, and poverty. Reiterating the increasingly regional-centric nature of threats, this chapter will posit that regional organizations will be most adept in inhibiting security challenges, advancing development alternatives, and reinforcing positive social relationships that will enrich both national and international efforts.

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The UNODC is the main vehicle for corruption and terrorism prevention, having crucially strengthened international campaigns in two ways. As the overarching resolutions governing state legislation, these treaties have increased multilateral cooperation and strengthened national infrastructures to combat corruption and terrorism. The articles advocate corruption deterrence via public education programs and frequent public expenditures reviews to provide greater transparency and accountability; [] address public and private sector detection from accounting and auditing standards, fraudulent practices, and public monitoring networks; [] grant specialized authoritative bodies powers to accurately combat corruption; [] and suggest preventative technical assistance and economic development programs to foster growth as a counterbalancing force against the negative effects of corruption.

The UNODC programme will improve media and civilian corruption awareness and money laundering identification via investigation training courses. Specifically, UNODC aims to decrease the number of permits or licenses needed for certain business trades and execute integrity tests in both the public and private sectors, which will support national and regional strategic aims to reduce corruption, illicit trades, and ultimately terrorism through supranational alliances.

The second UN body, the UNEP, promotes economic development as an alternative means to deter participation in corruption and terrorism. ASEAN is currently augmenting regional architecture in three ways. The ASCC endorses human development by increasing civil service employment, education and investment opportunities, and access to new science and technology developments.

The ASCC also seeks to solidify the ASEAN identity among its community by engaging citizens in cultural education programmes and generally increasing regional social interaction. Additionally, the AEC requires equal economic development across all employment sectors while advancing green initiatives, maintaining commerce law, and upholding labour rights. APSC will incorporate a greater percentage of the population into civil service and academia to increase intelligence sharing and bolster public support for ASEAN values and policies.

While ASEAN espouses cultural norms that prefer peaceful security countermeasures, it also recognizes that security and resilience must develop from defensive ties. An integrated ASEAN community will be more likely to accurately assess security risks, predict and prevent terrorist attacks, and address root causes that lead to radicalization. Specifically, Indonesia aligns with the ACCT and ARF CTTC work plan through its people-centric counterterrorism approach aimed at counter-radicalization, re-education of former terrorists and inmates, and promoting inter-civilization dialogue between internal ministries, citizens in Islamic or minority groups, and supranational task forces.

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The vastly different ideas advanced in these FTAs point to several criticisms. Despite these criticisms, however, the agreements need not be mutually exclusive if they combine benefits from both to improve infrastructure. Much like ASEAN, APEC initially focused on increasing economic cooperation but gradually increased its influence to the security sector as well, resulting in two primary groups to promote regional security and development. By incorporating business expertise, STAR recognizes that the private sector is just as fundamental as the public sphere in upholding economic security.

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Adopting a people-centric counterterrorism approach, this plan will centre on expanding infrastructure security and resilience among APEC nations to safeguard an increasingly interconnected community from future threats. First, their position as middle agencies between the UN and states makes them adequate vehicles for advancing policy agenda negotiation, synchronization, and implementation in instances where state policies may fall into corrupt practices, or international policy is not fully instilled at the national level. Second, regional networks offer a unique cultural perspective to supranational cooperation and policy formation that can strengthen security by promoting community values of social cohesion and economic development.

Furthermore, the regionalization of security threats means there will be greater convergence of national and international aims in both defensive policies and economic opportunities such as business investment and development initiatives. Consequently, regional policies will fill state and international policy security gaps with agendas that benefit all sectors of society, making them crucial actors in reducing corruption, terrorism, and poverty.

In conclusion, this paper has intrinsically linked corruption as a causal factor to terrorism. The first chapter established this relationship, concluding that while there are various determinant factors of corruption, the consequences are always the same: corruption directly hinders economic development, additionally reverberates to political and social sectors, and creates structural vulnerabilities that cataclysmically enable sub-state violence.

Used as a means to protest social grievances, terrorism is then indirectly a product of corruption. Furthermore, corruption widens gaps in international security by sustaining the operational hybridization of terrorism with transnational organized crime networks. To engage with contemporary security challenges and policies, the second chapter initiated the Indonesia case study, which historically analysed the connection between economic conditions, corruption, and terrorism in greater depth.

This chapter focused on two legacies that directly ensued from the power vacuities following Indonesian independence: how power relations merged with fixed cultural traits, and how the subsequent state practices conflicted with democratic individualism, which consistently enabled corruption, poverty, and terrorism to enfeeble state institutions.

This chapter found that despite effective increases in security capabilities, myriad structural liabilities encumber current policy. Reform must incorporate social cohesion, trust, transparency and accountability to improve security conditions.